Archive for September, 2007

Education as signaling

Friday, September 21st, 2007

If you needed evidence that higher education is just about signaling quality rather than actually, you know, improving it, here it is. The Ivy League schools have the smartest incoming freshman but they are the worst in improving their students’ civil knowledge.

While you’re at it, take the quiz. I missed two. The first is number 5. I’m a dunce when it comes to knowledge about the Civil and Revolutionary War battles. The second I’m embarrassed by. I thought “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal” came from the Preamble to the Constitution.

Liberals are from Vulcan; Conservatives are from Uranus

Thursday, September 20th, 2007

Will Wilkinson says Jonathan Haidt “posit[s] five psychological foundations of human moral sentiment, each with a distinct evolutionary history and function, which he labels harm, reciprocity, ingroup, hierarchy, and purity” and that conservatives have “broadband” moral reasoning (all five foundations resonate with them) and liberals “shortband” (they concentrate in harm and reciprocity).

This means when conservatives argue using appeals to “tradition” or “values,” liberals just don’t get it. As I said in a comment last year on a post about Haidt’s research:

The point of the quoted article is that people come at institutions from a variety of moral bases. Where liberals often concern themselves with social justice and individual rights, they misunderstand calls to hierarchy and tradition as a vieled power play by those with bad intentions. What’s the Matter with Kansas, for example.

Perhaps there’s nothing the matter with Kansas. Perhaps those people hold a fundamentally different moral basis.

Thus, “they’re not hearing me” and “they’re being unreasonable” result not from unsound reasoning but from a differences in logical starting points. In math, you’d expect theorems derived from one set of axioms to be different than those derived from another set. Sometimes those theorems directly contradict each other. We shouldn’t expect anything different from moral reasoning.

But Will (The Lesser) defends the minimalism of liberal moral reasoning by saying being disgusted isn’t a policy argument:

Is the narrower morality of liberalism a form of moral retardation or enlightenment? That’s a question that also breaks along ideological lines. “Shallow are the souls that have forgotten how to shudder,” says the conservative Leon Kass, former head of President Bush’s Council on Bioethics, in defense of what he calls “the wisdom of repugnance”—the moral authority of the digust-purity dimension of feeling. But the liberal philosopher Martha Nussbaum, in her book Hiding from Humanity, argues that though emotions such as anger or fear sometimes embody reasons we can offer to others as legitimate justification for action, disgust is uniquely inarticulate, implying no real reason beyond itself, and so is unfit as a basis for persuasion and policy in an open, pluralistic society.

I really like that line by Leon Kass, “Shallow are the souls that have forgotten how to shudder.”

Anyway, Will is too quick to dismiss these conservative pillars of moral reasoning. Much of Haidt’s research shows that these conservative modes of moral reasoning are very old in the human species.

[T]here are two psychological systems [in academics], one about fairness/justice, and one about care and protection of the vulnerable. And if you look at the many books on the evolution of morality, most of them focus exclusively on those two systems, with long discussions of Robert Trivers’ reciprocal altruism (to explain fairness) and of kin altruism and/or attachment theory to explain why we don’t like to see suffering and often care for people who are not our children.

But if you try to apply this two-foundation morality to the rest of the world, you either fail or you become Procrustes. Most traditional societies care about a lot more than harm/care and fairness/justice. Why do so many societies care deeply and morally about menstruation, food taboos, sexuality, and respect for elders and the Gods? You can’t just dismiss this stuff as social convention. If you want to describe human morality, rather than the morality of educated Western academics, you’ve got to include the Durkheimian view that morality is in large part about binding people together.

You can argue that just because something has been around along time in human evolution, that doesn’t make it right. The appendix comes to mind. But might there be some value in the conservative virtues?

In contrast, Kass recognizes that while repugnance alone should not resolve policy disputes, it can be a quintessentially human way of experiencing a deep knowing that certain activities are just plain wrong:

Revulsion is not an argument; and some of yesterday’s repugnances are today calmly accepted — though one must add, not always for the better. In crucial cases, however, repugnance is the emotional expression of deep wisdom, beyond reason’s power to fully articulate it. Can anyone really give an argument fully adequate to the horror which is father-daughter incest… or having sex with animals, or mutilating a corpse, or eating human flesh, or raping or murdering another human being? Would anybody’s failure to give full rational justification for his revulsion at those practices make that revulsion ethically suspect? Not at all. On the contrary, we are suspicious of those who think they can rationalize away our horror, say, by trying to explain the enormity of incest with arguments only about the genetic risks of inbreeding.

This is a powerful truth about the wisdom of human nature that is not easily brushed aside by the disdainful condescension of those who think that raw intellectualism is the only legitimate method of moral analysis.

Huh?

Wednesday, September 19th, 2007

Woot. Paul Krugman started a blog. This gives one the opportunity to ask “Huh?” to various silly comments by the future Nobel prize winner on a regular basis…

For previous installments in this series, see (x and y => z) does not contradict (!x => z), Insurance Companies aren’t profit mazimizing, Instapundit moment, and Meaningless words from Paul Krugman.

In his inaugural post, he shows this diagram1, a diagram I’ve been staring at a lot lately:
Inequality

And says:

The middle-class society I grew up in didn’t evolve gradually or automatically. It was created, in a remarkably short period of time, by FDR and the New Deal. As the chart shows, income inequality declined drastically from the late 1930s to the mid 1940s, with the rich losing ground while working Americans saw unprecedented gains.

Here it comes…

Ready…

Huh?

The “Great Compression,” aka a precipitous drop in income inequality, happened in 1941 (not through the 30’s and mid 40’s). What else happened in that year? What do you suppose financed that happening? What did the National War Labor Board do, I wonder.

  1. It shows the percent of income going to top 10% income earners []

United Federation of Planets, a protection racket?

Wednesday, September 19th, 2007

Another utopia bites the dust:

How does the Prime Directive fit into this? On the surface, it seems incompatible with an imperialistic Federation. But remember that the Prime Directive only applies to planets which are at a much lower level of technological development than the Federation itself. That is, only to planets that are not wealthy enough to be worth the cost of occupying and taxing. Star Fleet Command wants to prevent glory-seeking captains like Kirk from taking over underdeveloped worlds that are likely to drain more revenue than they bring in. The Prime Directive serves this goal, while also cloaking Federation imperialism in a veneer of righteousness that has been all too successful in fooling generations of TV viewers.

ACLU

Tuesday, September 18th, 2007

Looks like I’ll have to start donating to them again.

Working at being a good consumer

Tuesday, September 18th, 2007

Its hard work:

I checked out this place last week, after I randomly stumbled across a bunch of glowing reviews and saw that it’s just a few miles from where I work. It’s tucked into a little strip mall, a few doors down from a Bed Bath & Beyond. The place was pretty crowded at 2:00 on a Tuesday. The whole place seems like it was hijacked off Shattuck by roving bandits and smuggled south past the county border, then rudely grafted into the anonymous strip mall sprawl that constitutes so much of the San Jose area.

UC Davis in the News (Any news is good news edition)

Monday, September 17th, 2007

Crap.

Gotchas aren’t biases

Monday, September 17th, 2007

I’m sitting in on Matthew Rabin’s Psychology and Economics course this semester. The class is a theory course in which the standard models are tweaked to incorporate standard psychological facts about human decision making. Much of that theory is motivated by behavior economics findings of bias and “behavioral anomalies“.

I don’t really trust that those results from the laboratory necessarily translate well into our models precisely because the results are from the laboratory. That agents use certain heuristics that lead to biased behaviors in particular situations, doesn’t necessarily mean those heuristics produce bad results in general out in the wild. In other words, that people are biased when choosing their consumption of one good in a heterogeneous goods world, doesn’t mean they’re biased when choosing consumption in a model with homogeneous goods.

I think this is what Robin Hanson is getting at with this post:

As a kid I had a trick nickel from Disneyland’s magic shop – you were supposed to ask someone to look at your nickel, then push the backside to squirt them. Now we might wonder about someone who fell for this trick more than once, but surely it doesn’t make sense to call someone “biased” who fell for it once. Even if you tried the trick nickel on a hundred people, and showed that over ninety percent of them got a wet eye, you wouldn’t have shown people are biased about wet nickels.

Be sure to catch the comments section, too.

Commitments

Sunday, September 16th, 2007

People that have large commitments of expenditures (like mortgage payments) are more risk averse on small gambles than big ones (gated pdf). According to Chety and Szeidl, this might explain why people play the lottery:

Intuitively, an agent who earns an extra dollar can spend it only on food; but buying a lottery ticket gives him an opportunity to buy a better house or car, which can have higher expected utility than another dollar of food.

Agents only pursue gambles which have payoffs that would make it optimal to drop prior commitments. To see why such gambles can be attractive, consider an individual who is deciding whether to buy a candy bar that costs $1 or a fair lottery ticket for $1 that will pay $1 million if he wins. A one-good (no commitments) model assumes that the agent will buy one million candy bars if he wins the lottery (or one million units of the composite commodity). In this case, buying the lottery ticket is not optimal because the marginal utility of candy is diminishing, and the agent would be better off getting one candy bar with certainty. However, with commitments, the agent will buy more than just candy if he wins the lottery. While the $1 in hand cannot be spent to buy a better house or car, the $1 million can. Consequently, the expected utility of the skewed lottery may exceed the utility of the candy bar.

BTW, their theory also predicts people with higher percentages of their income tied up in commitments are more likely to play the lottery. Does this seem right? Do poorer people, who play the lottery more often, have more of their incomes tied up in commitments?

Anyway, there model also gives an explanation for the seemingly contradictory facts that in the long run families tend not to adjust their labor supply much to changes in wages (or taxes on wages), but they respond a lot, by adding spouses or teens to the work force, to short term changes in income.

To understand the intuition for this result, suppose the primary earner is temporarily unemployed. If the household has commitments that it wishes to maintain, there is a strong incentive for spouses to enter the labor force to help pay the mortgage and other bills, especially in the presence of liquidity constraints. In contrast, a household that experiences a large, permanent change in wealth will reoptimize on all margins of consumption in the long run, reducing the pressure to make large adjustments on [the number of family members in the labor force].

Studies of behavioral responses to taxation generally find small [effects of the tax on the number hours worked] in households with incomes below $100,000 [e.g., Saez 2004]. The inability to fully re-optimize consumption in the short run may dampen responses to tax reforms because of temporarily amplified income effects. In the short run, households may be reluctant to cut labor supply in response to a tax increase if they have made prior commitments. However, taxes may still have significant effects on labor supply in the long run, when short-run income needs due to commitments are diminished. Hence, empirical studies that focus on short-run changes in behavior could understate the distortionary effects of taxation.

Dick Marty

Saturday, September 15th, 2007

(I’m in Vegas… baby… but through the magic of Wordpress, I’m still posting to my blog.)

Besides having two first names and being from my ancestral birth place (Canton Ticino), Dick Marty is known for creating a well-respected study of the CIA’s rendition program in Europe:

Our analysis of the CIA ‘rendition’ programme has revealed a network that resembles a ’spider’s web’ spun across the globe. The analysis is based on official information provided by national and international air traffic control authorities, as well as on other information. This ‘web’ is composed of several landing points, which we have subdivided into different categories, and which are linked up among themselves by civilian planes used by the CIA or military aircraft.

Analysis of the network’s functioning and of ten individual cases allows us to make a number of conclusions both about human rights violations – some of which continue – and about the responsibilities of some Council of Europe Member states, which are bound by the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture.

The United States, an observer state of our Organisation, actually created this reprehensible network, which we criticise in light of the values shared on both sides of the Atlantic. But we also believe having established that it is only through the intentional or grossly negligent collusion of the European partners that this “web” was able to spread also over Europe.

Whilst hard evidence, at least according to the strict meaning of the word, is still not forthcoming, a number of coherent and converging elements indicate that secret detention centres have indeed existed and unlawful inter-state transfers have taken place in Europe. It is not intended to pronounce that the authorities of these countries are ‘guilty’ for having tolerated secret detention sites, but rather it is to hold them ‘responsible’ for failing to comply with the positive obligation to diligently investigate any serious allegation of fundamental rights violations.

The draft resolution and recommendation propose different measures so that terrorism can be fought effectively whilst respecting human rights at the same time.